The life of John F. Kennedy has been hyped up into a fantastic myth of tragedy and hope, of glamor and style. On the inverse side of that myth is inscribed in blackscratches the conspiracies of that fatal day in Dallas, conspiracies of the Mafia, the USSR, of Castro and the CIA. 

The meaning of that assassination 58 years ago today is limited to an immaculately sealed cycle between hope and tragedy that does not allow us to step back and contemplate its true significance. Now, however, as our system comes completely undone, we have no choice but to peer beneath the surface, to look at the truth. 

“Tragedy and Hope” has a hidden meaning here—it is the title of a book by Carroll Quigley describing how the bankers in London and New York conspired to bind the United States and the British Empire together and to exclude anyone who tried to revive the anti-imperialist elements of the American tradition.  

 

We witness the United States on the 58th anniversary of the murder of John F. Kennedy nearing a full eclipse by the evil that was unleashed in Dallas on that day. 

Please, please do step back and look at what transpired in historical context; see how that event caused cancer that was growing already in the body politic to metastasize and to spread. 

The hope of America was not Kennedy’s. He inherited it by accident. By some mysterious process, the United States produced, out of all its sins in the 19th century, the powerful anti-slavery movement, the push for public education and women’s rights, and then, even in the face of the fascistic KKK that terrorized the nation, the United States produced a generation of brave youth in the 1930s who fought against fascism, some of whom went to Spain to fight and who supported the Soviet Union in its battle against the extermination policies of the Nazis.

In the later part of his presidency, John F. Kennedy took on that mantle, in the same sense that Lincoln took on the mantle of the anti-slavery movement after 1864. 

John F. Kennedy was a product of privilege and indulgence, a man whose father was a gangster-like businessman, a man who won the presidency by embracing dangerous Cold War rhetoric of confrontation with the Soviet Union and spinning it so that it sounded more progressive, more inspiring. 

John F. Kennedy was King Oedipus. 

When I say that President Kennedy was King Oedipus, I mean that he was forced, against his own will, to awaken to truths that those around him wanted to hide from him and that he decided, tragically, that he would try to know the truth and try to right what was so wrong. He would not survive. 

King Oedipus knew something was wrong in the realm and he demanded that he be told the truth. Everyone around King Oedipus tried to discourage him, but he insisted all the more. Eventually, he forced them to give him the clues he wanted, and he learned that the plagues in his nation were because of his sins, sins of which he had been unaware: his killing of his father and his marriage with his mother. 

President Kennedy, similarly, increasingly became aware of the deep corruption in the United States, especially the growth of the military-industrial complex that president Eisenhower had warned of in his last speech. Kennedy could see the danger on the horizon if the United States followed the deadly path being laid out by bankers and industrial kings. 

The subterranean battles surrounding the “Cuban Missile Crisis” are described by the media in a manner that glosses over the nature of that event. It was not a confrontation with Russia; it was a conflict within Washington between those who wanted to make the United States into a global empire, modeled on the British Empire, and those who adhered to a conservative vision of the Republic, with limited responsibilities outside of its borders, and those who were internationalists, following the internationalist call to oppose fascism—there were still some of these people left in Washington D.C. even after the purges of the 1950s. 

Confrontation with the Soviet Union over Cuba was meant to be the start of a world war. The financial imperialists would stop at nothing to realize that goal. They were led by Allen Dulles, a creature of extreme privilege from a family that had cultivated political connections for decades.  

Allen Dulles was intimately connected with global finance in New York and London, and he saw the British Empire as a model for the United States. Dulles brought to Washington after the war the masterminds of imperialism from London, and not a few masterminds of fascism from Berlin as well, as he set out to transform the United States. He was the conduit for that transformation; the sperm that fertilized the latent egg of globalism. We must remember that imperialism is a contagious disease.    

Allen Dulles worked together with his brother John Foster Dulles, President Eisenhower’s Secretary of State, to promote anti-Communism, globalism, and militarism through their white-shoe law firm Sullivan and Cromwell. They were not interested in a transparent process, but rather they ran a brothel wherein they dressed up the dark desires of multinational corporations in pretty wigs and cute dresses.

The criminality of the Dulles brothers is best represented by their transformation of the CIA from an organization for the collection of information, based on the OSS, into an active agent of global conquest modeled on the ruthless British East India Company. Like the British East India Company, the CIA became an organization that made use of the authority of government to promote the interests of private capital—often to the detriment of citizens.

Specifically, Dulles’ reform of the CIA, his cleaning out of leftists from the anti-fascist movement, and his clear alignment with Great Britain, and his push for a complete break with the Soviet Union, was a difficult operation that required him to destroy many careers.

Kennedy could see the danger of letting the Dulles boys, and their friends the Bushes, dominate American policy and create an unaccountable institution like the CIA. 

The Dulles brothers exploited a fundamental failure in the American economy in their push for an unholy marriage of global finance and the military-industrial complex that would result in addiction to war and to oil.  

The New Deal of Franklin Roosevelt only partially addressed the roots of the great depression and in 1937 massive unemployment started again. Government spending for public works had but a temporary effect. The crisis of 1937 created a revolutionary mood, with the socialists and communists on the one side and the fascists like the KKK on the other. 

Roosevelt lacked the political will, and the vision, to solve this problem. Increasingly it was the Communist Party USA, not the Democrats, who took the lead. 

The crisis was solved by the Second World War. 

That is to say, that the economic flaws of overproduction, speculation, and rule by investment banks were not solved, but merely swept under the rug. The war created the necessary jobs and stabilized the economy for the moment. But the return to a peacetime economy in 1945 brought back the economic crisis. 

The Dulles boys had a ready solution. Prop up the war-time economy that had enriched their clients through an ideological war with the Soviet Union. That conflict would kill the anti-fascist coalition of the 1930s and push Washington and London closer together. 
This Cold War scheme was aimed at inheriting the British Empire’s mantle, becoming Lord of the Ring, and thereby securing control of petroleum, currency, ideology and military power. It was a scheme that undermined all aspects of the Bretton Woods system that could have led to true international cooperation. 

Kennedy battled within the Department of Defense to uphold a security system that was accountable to the constitution. He fought against the Dulles brothers to keep the United States from following the British path. 

The failed invasion of Cuba, the “Bay of Pigs” operation, took place on April 20, 1961. Exactly one week later, President Kennedy addressed the Newspaper Publishers Association and denounced the secrecy that the Dulles brothers were promoting. 
Kennedy did not name names in his speech, but for the members of the press there could be no doubt as to what he meant when he said, 

“The very word ‘secrecy’ is repugnant in a free and open society; and we are as a people inherently and historically opposed to secret societies, to secret oaths and to secret proceedings. We decided long ago that the dangers of excessive and unwarranted concealment of pertinent facts far outweighed the dangers which are cited to justify it. 

Even today, there is little value in opposing the threat of a closed society by imitating its arbitrary restrictions. Even today, there is little value in insuring the survival of our nation if our traditions do not survive with it. And there is a very grave danger that an announced need for increased security will be seized upon by those anxious to expand its meaning to the very limits of official censorship and concealment.”

No politician in Washington D.C. today is capable of giving such a speech, most certainly not to journalists. 
The details of that afternoon in Dallas 58 years ago are not important. 

The assassination was carried out in such a blunt and obvious manner as to make clear to all government officials, and all future presidents, that global finance in New York and London could kill a president in broad daylight and walk away unscathed. 

Mission accomplished! That message was not lost on anyone. 

The United States was crippled thereafter, and political leaders with moral courage went extinct like the saber-toothed tiger. 
The immediate outcome was the Vietnam War, a cynical effort to create industrial demand, and to generate profits for American corporations. Perhaps that war was not as profitable as the war with Russia might have been, but it would suffice. 

I had only the vaguest idea of who President Kennedy was as a child. But even at the age of eight, I spent hours thinking about what had happened to him, and why. It was all a tremendous mystery for me. 

I was born on October 16, 1964, 11 months after his death. I do not know why, but that made me feel there was some tie, some connection, between us.  

I did not know then that I would go to Yale and Harvard, or that I would also try to use my connections in an effort to change the direction of the country from within—and then later decide to take on the entire system.

I did not grow up with the money of a Kennedy, thankfully, and my father was not a major political player. Yet I was also a child of privilege, perhaps more privileged than Kennedy in that I was able to maintain a greater distance from the machine.

The Dulles boys are long gone, but the spin that they gave to American political culture is now reaching a crescendo. The gestation period for the monster of imperial decay was 38 years. The prodigy slouched towards the beltway to be born on September 11, 2001.  Hunter S. Thompson described the moment fairly,

“Boom! Boom! Just like that. The towers are gone now, reduced to bloody rubble, along with all hopes for Peace in Our Time, in the United States or any other country. 

Make no mistake about it: We are at war now ― with somebody ― and we will stay at war with that mysterious Enemy for the rest of our lives.”

Like the assassination of President Kennedy, the fall of the towers, the most ominous tarot card, was played and then passed over, and somehow we avoided the worst without confronting spreading cancer. 

Thus passed another twenty years. In the age of computers and smartphones, we have lost all sense of history and the decay beneath our feet was invisible to us, the mind blind. We think that trees are still, but that is because trees move so slowly that we cannot perceive their motions. 

And here we are, facing the final form of the illness that began in Dallas, the COVID19 takeover of the American economy and the entire political system. 

The scheming of Bill Gates at Microsoft and Larry Fink at BlackRock goes further than anything the Dulles boys imagined possible. It goes further because there is nobody left to fend them off. Working in government had ceased to be an appealing career; working in academics is just about writing obtuse articles for obscure journals. 

And now they have launched a war against humanity itself; they are creating a unity of intelligence, government and finance, medicine and energy, media and education, that goes far beyond the proposals that Dulles offered in the Dulles-Jackson-Correa Report on the CIA. COVID19 is blending into preparations for war with China, dovetailing with plans to use climate change as an excuse to seize control of money and information.

This time, the disease is planetary. The United States threatens to take everything down with it. 

The risk of conflicts at home and abroad is real. All dread them and all seek to avoid them. And yet, we can see that one side would make war rather than let the republic remain independent of the tentacles of global capital, and the other side would accept war rather than allow the United States to be torn apart, to be left a crippled and mutilated empire.

We must face first the truth, acknowledge the historical process in which the Kennedy assassination was the inflection point. We must be aware of our history, and we must take actions aimed not at satisfying our egos or pleasing those around us, and most certainly not at appealing to corporations who fundus. 

We must start a positive cycle in another direction and create with our own hands an alternative to the horrific future path that has been planned for us. John F. Kennedy, sitting at his desk in the Oval Office so many years ago, got a glimpse of the impending crash that we witness today.